第七章 应许之地通往美国世纪的大门（第11/11页）

不管这种规定从理论上说多么的理想主义，事实上，道斯法案的目的还是促进白人占有土地。在法案通过的1887—1934年间，也就是所谓的印第安人新政时期，8600万公顷土地——占印第安人持有土地的60%以上——落入非土著居民的手中。这种强行的文化适应和土地再分配行为自然会招来强烈的反对，而其中的一种反对形式就是1889年出现的鬼魂舞教。这是对白人文化侵入与文化控制的一种仪式性回应和拒绝，其寓意明显但并未被广泛接受。在一定程度上，这也煽动了19世纪最后一场，可能也是最为臭名昭著的武装冲突，冲突双方正是苏族印第安人和美国政府。虽然这些利害攸关的问题在当时并未得到解决，并且一直延续到20世纪，但事实上，1890年南达科他地区的伤膝河战役还是标志着对西部的控制已经走到了一个结点。

当然，1890年在另外一种意义上也是一个重要结点。正是在这一年，人口普查的负责人宣布“目前那些不稳定的地区已经支离破碎，成为许多单独的定居点，很难说存在一条边界线了”。至少在这一方面，美国想要覆盖美洲大陆的昭昭天命已经达成。而从其他方面讲，美国的昭昭天命可能引起的种族、宗教和社会后果才刚刚开始得到探索。

到了19世纪的最后十年，关于美国的叙述已经出现了两条脉络，两条线的叙述都会进入下一个世纪，两种叙述都向未来做出展望，也对过去进行回顾。一个是关于镇压、种族隔离和受难的故事；另一个则是关于在这些残酷现实面前坚持不懈的故事，一个通过不断努力实现应许之地的希望与期望的故事。正是在艾达·韦尔斯、格罗弗·克利夫兰与欧文·威斯特、移民限制联合会的观点对撞中，这场心灵与思想的真正的战争将会定义“美国的世纪”。

注释：

[1]New York Times, May 15, 1864.

[2]John Murray Forbes to Charles Sumner, August 10, 1872, in Sarah Forbes Hughes (ed.), Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, 2 Vols. (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1899) II: 178-179

[3]Hiram C. Whitley, In It (Cambridge, MA: Riverside Press, 1894) 104.

[4]J. S. Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States, From 1850 to 1860 (New York, 1879) 481, 511; The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro Government (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1874) 12-13.

[5]Horace Bushnell, Barbarism the First Danger (New York: American Home Missionary Society, 1847) 16-17.

[6]Whitley, In It, 5, 174-175.

[7]U. S. Grant to the Senate, January 13, 1875, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, John Y. Simon (ed.), Vol. 26: 1875 (Carbondale, Ill: Southern Illinois University Press, 2003) 6-7, xi-xii.

[8]United States vs. Cruikshank (92 U.S. 542 (1875), available at: http://supreme.justia.com/us/92/542/case.html (March 20, 2010).

[9]Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Lynch Law in Georgia (1899) 7, 10. For a modern assessment of the Hose case, see Edwin T. Arnold, What Virtue There is in Fire:Cultural Memory and the Lynching of Sam Hose (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2009).

[10]New York Times, February 24, 1884.

[11]Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in all its Phases (New York, 1892).

[12]John Greenleaf Whittier to John Murray Forbes, June 12, 1891, in Hughes (ed.), Letters and Recollections ofJohn Murray Forbes, II, 227.

[13]Abraham Lincoln to Joshua Speed, August 24, 1855 in Basler (ed), Collected Works ofAbraham Lincoln, II, 323.

[14]Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-Present (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001) 7

[15]James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, 2 Vols. (1888. Revised Edition. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1923) II, 472.

[16]Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and its Present Crisis (New York: The American Home Mission Society, 1885) 40-41.

[17]⑰ Lincoln Steffens, The Shame of the Cities (1902. Reprint. New York: Hill and Wang, 1957) 7-8. 18.

[18]Marcus Eli Ravage, An American in the Making: The Life Story of an Immigrant(New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1917) 60.

[19]Grover Cleveland, Veto Message, March 2, 1897. available at: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=70845 (April 20, 2010).

[20]Ravage, An American in the Making, 156-157.

[21]Owen Wister, “The Evolution of the Cow-Puncher, ”Harper's Magazine, Vol. 91(September 1895) 602-17, quotations 603-604.

[22]Rockefeller quoted in Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, Revised Ed. (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1955) 45-46.

[23]Abraham Lincoln, “Annual Message to Congress, ”December 3, 1861, in Basler(ed), Collected Works ofAbraham Lincoln, V, 52.

[24]Simon Nelson Patten, The Theory of Social Forces (Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1896) 143.

[25]Strong, Our Country, 41, 48, 44.

[26]Henry Benjamin Whipple, Preface to Helen Hunt (Jackson)'s, A Century of Dishonor (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1881) vi.